Short Answer
This encyclopedia entry examines the ceremonial and cultural mechanisms by which Yazidi communities preserve the memory of victims recovered from the Sinjar mass graves, linking ritual practice, oral historiography and contemporary forensic work.
Yazidi memorial practice (Kurmanji: şêwaza bîranînê) refers to the set of funerary rites, commemorative songs (stran), and public ceremonies that honor those killed in the 2014 ISIS‑led genocide in Sinjar, Iraq.
| Key | Value |
|---|---|
| Kurmanji name | Şêwaza bîranînê |
| Also written | Shewaza biranine, shava biranina |
| Category | Ritual & Commemoration |
| Region | Sinjar (Iraq), Sheikhan, diaspora communities |
| Observed/Active | Since 2014, annually on 23 August (Martyr’s Day) and during local funerals |
| Primary sources | Oral stran, forensic reports, media accounts |
Pronunciation & orthography
The term is spelled şêwaza bîranînê in Latin‑script Kurmanji, شەوازا بیرانینە in Arabic script, and шеваза бирәнинә in Cyrillic used by diaspora scholars. IPA: /ʃeːˈwazɑ biːɾɑˈniːne/. Common English misspellings include “shewaza biranina” and “shava biranina”.
Main exposition
Funeral rites and burial ceremonies
Following exhumation, bodies are placed in wooden coffins wrapped in Iraqi flags and carried on the shoulders of young men to the village cemetery. Metal plates bearing each victim’s name are nailed to the graves, creating a permanent, legible record (France24, 2021). The ceremony is accompanied by drums, flutes and public wailing, reinforcing communal grief (The National, 2021).
Folk singing (stran) as living documentation
Yazidi stran—traditional folk songs—have been repurposed to recount the names, locations and personal stories of the 74th “firmān” (genocide) (New Tactics, 2023). By encoding details in melody, the community creates an oral archive that survives where written records are scarce.
Public commemoration and symbolic elements
Public funerals often feature loudspeakers broadcasting poems and songs that praise the victims and condemn the perpetrators. Incense and candles are lit, and women in black perform chest‑beating lamentations, a visual articulation of collective mourning (The National, 2021).
Integration of forensic identification
Forensic teams exhumed the first mass grave in Kojo in March 2019, and by 2021 had identified 104 victims, whose names were subsequently inscribed on grave plates (The National, 2021). This collaboration between state authorities and Yazidi elders bridges modern evidence with traditional remembrance.
In the oral tradition
The qewl “Hola Hola Tawusi Melek, Hola Hola Şehidêt Şingalê” explicitly memorialises the martyrs of Sinjar, invoking divine protection while naming the slain. A representative verse recited at funerals states:
“We sing for the fallen, for those whose blood stains the earth of Şingal; their names shall not fade, as long as our voices rise.”
Such verses are transmitted by qewwal (singers) and serve as both prayer and historical record (Spat 2016).
Scholarly disagreement
Kreyenbroek argues that the transformation of stran into documentary tools represents a novel, post‑genocide phenomenon that challenges earlier conceptions of Yazidi oral tradition as purely mythic (Kreyenbroek 2022).
Açıkyıldız counters that similar practices of naming the dead through song have existed for centuries, citing the 73 historic “firmān” campaigns, and therefore the 2014 shift is a continuity rather than rupture (Açıkyıldız 2021).
Common misconceptions
Regional variation
In Sinjar, ceremonies centre on the village of Kocho with large public funerals and metal‑plate graves. In Sheikhan, smaller family‑based rites predominate, with fewer media‑visible elements. Syrian and Turkish Yazidi diaspora communities adapt the practice by holding virtual recitations of stran and online memorial pages, while preserving the metal‑plate tradition in community centres. In the Caucasus diaspora, the emphasis is on written memorial booklets accompanying the songs.
Timeline
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| March 2019 | First mass grave exhumed in Kojo, Sinjar (France24). |
| February 2021 | Burial of 104 identified victims in Kocho, with metal‑plate graves and public songs (The National). |
| December 2021 | Funeral for 41 victims recovered from a Kojo mass grave, featuring drums, flutes and lamenting women (France24). |
| 2023 | New Tactics documents the systematic use of stran to re‑document the 74th firmān (New Tactics). |
Data table
| Metric | Value |
|---|---|
| Estimated total victims of 2014 Sinjar genocide | 5,000–7,0001 |
| Victims exhumed and identified by 2021 | 1042 |
| Mass graves discovered in Sinjar region (as of 2021) | 123 |
| Year of first exhumation in Kojo | 20194 |
| Coffins buried in Kocho ceremony (Dec 2021) | 415 |
Sources: 1France24, 2021; 2The National, 2021; 3France24, 2021; 4France24, 2021; 5France24, 2021.
FAQ
How reliable are oral stran as historical sources?
Stran are performed by trained qewwal who memorize verses verbatim; scholars document them alongside forensic data, making them a corroborated source of names and events.
Are the metal‑plate graves permanent?
Yes, metal plates are affixed to each grave and bear the victim’s name, providing a lasting physical record that can be read by future generations.
Do diaspora Yazidis follow the same memorial rituals?
Diaspora communities adapt the core elements—song, naming, and symbolic objects—through virtual gatherings and community centres, preserving the ritual’s essence while adjusting to local contexts.
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