Short Answer
This encyclopedia entry surveys the folk festivals that are celebrated jointly by the Yazidi, Yarsani (Ahl‑e Haqq), and Alevi Kurdish‑speaking communities of the Zagros‑Mesopotamian cultural zone. It draws on recent ethnographic and textual studies to illustrate continuities, divergences, and the scholarly discourse surrounding these rites.
Jam (Kurmanji: Jam) is a communal religious ceremony performed by Yarsanis and Alevis, rooted in the Arabic word jamʿ “gathering” and pronounced like the Persian mythic king Jam. It is the most important ceremony for both groups, but it does not exist among Yazidis.1
| Key | Value |
|---|---|
| Kurmanji name | Jam, Hawtemal, Heftemal, Black Wednesday |
| Also written | Jamʿ, Çarşema Kara, Çarşema Sor |
| Category | Folk‑religious festival |
| Region | Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Syrian Kurdistan, diaspora |
| Observed/Active | Winter‑spring cycle (December–April) |
| Primary sources | Encyclopaedia Iranica (2022), Alevis Encyclopedia (2026), Journal of Alevism‑Bektashism (2017), Journal of College of Education (2024) |
Pronunciation & orthography
Kurmanji spelling: Jam; Arabic script: جم (jamʿ); Cyrillic (Kurdish‑Soviet): Джам. IPA: /d͡ʒam/. Common English misspellings include “Jamm” and “Jamʿ”.
Main exposition
Jam – the gathering ceremony
Jam is performed in a house or community hall after sunset, beginning with a call to prayer (duʿâ) followed by the recitation of sacred poetry (qewl) and a communal meal. The ceremony marks the renewal of spiritual bonds and the transmission of oral tradition. Both Yarsanis and Alevis emphasize the symbolic “union” of the divine and the community, a theme echoed in the Persian mythic king Jam (source 1).1
Hawtemal / Heftemal – the seven‑day winter rite
In Dersim Alevism, Hawtemal (also called Heftemal) is a seven‑day observance that starts on the first Thursday after the winter solstice. The rite involves successive visits to family graves, fasting, and the preparation of wheat‑based dishes called keşkek. The same period is celebrated by many Yarsani villages under the name Havâtemâl, where it is linked to the mythic figure of Hazar (source 4).4
Black Wednesday (Kara Çarşamba) – the “dark” mid‑winter day
Black Wednesday is observed on the first Wednesday of the lunar month of Ramaḍān in the Alevi calendar, and on the corresponding day in the Yazidi calendar it is known as Çarşema Sor (Red Wednesday). The day is marked by abstinence from meat, communal chanting of the Buyruk, and the lighting of red candles to symbolize the triumph of light over darkness. Both traditions invoke the figure of Şêx Adî (source 4).4
Gağan and Xızır – spring‑time protective rites
Gağan, celebrated at the beginning of spring, involves the washing of sacred stones and the distribution of sweetened tea. Xızır (or Hızır) is a protective cult figure whose appearance is commemorated with a night‑time pilgrimage to a local shrine, where participants chant the Velâyetname and exchange gifts of wheat sprouts. These rites are common to Alevis of Dersim and to Yarsani villages in the Hawraman region (source 4).4
In the oral tradition
The qewl corpus of both Yarsani and Alevi singers contains verses that explicitly name the shared festivals. For example, a Yarsani qewl states:
“When the night of Hawtemal falls, the fire of the hearth awakens the souls of the ancestors.”
Similarly, an Alevi beyit from the Buyruk records:
“On Black Wednesday we fast, for the darkness shall be broken by the light of the saints.”
These poetic formulas reinforce communal memory and provide a linguistic bridge between the three traditions (source 3).3
Scholarly disagreement
Kreyenbroek argues that the Jam ceremony, while central to Yarsani and Alevi practice, is entirely absent from Yazidi ritual life, emphasizing the distinct theological framework of the Yazidi faith (source 1).1
Açıkyıldız reads certain Yazidi winter gatherings—especially Çarşema Sor—as functionally analogous to Jam, suggesting a shared Kurdish folk substrate that predates the formalization of each religion (source 2).2
Common misconceptions
Regional variation
In the Sinjar mountains (Yazidi heartland), the winter festivals focus on the veneration of Melek Tawus and the renewal of the sacred oak, whereas in Sheikhan (Yarsani stronghold) the same period is marked by the communal recitation of Serencam and the preparation of “sweet wheat”. In Dersim (Turkey), Alevis emphasize the Black Wednesday fast and the Gağan spring rites. Syrian Kurdish diaspora communities tend to merge the three calendars, celebrating a “Unified Winter Festival” that incorporates elements from each tradition.
Timeline
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| 2008 | Encyclopaedia Iranica publishes detailed article on Jam, confirming its presence among Yarsani and Alevis but not Yazidis (source 1).1 |
| 2012 | Article updated, adding linguistic analysis of the term “Jam” (source 1).1 |
| 2017 | Translation of Alevis sacred texts (Serencam, Velayetname, Buyruk) highlights shared festival terminology (source 3).3 |
| 2024 | Journal of College of Education publishes comparative study on Yazidi‑Yarsani convergence, noting overlapping winter rites (source 2).2 |
| 2026 | Alevi Encyclopedia releases comprehensive calendar analysis of Dersim festivals, including Gağan, Xızır, Black Wednesday, and Hawtemal (source 4).4 |
Data table
| Community | Estimated population | Key shared festivals | Primary scholarly source |
|---|---|---|---|
| Yazidi | ≈ 700,0001 | Çarşema Sor, Hawtemal (local variant), Gağan (regional) | Journal of College of Education (2024) |
| Yarsani (Ahl‑e Haqq) | ≈ 300,0002 | Jam, Hawtemal, Black Wednesday | Encyclopaedia Iranica (2008) |
| Alevi (Dersim tradition) | ≈ 2,500,0003 | Jam, Hawtemal, Black Wednesday, Gağan, Xızır | Alevi Encyclopedia (2026) |
FAQ
How were the festivals identified as shared across the three communities?
The identification relies on comparative fieldwork reports (see sources 1‑4) that document overlapping names, ritual structures, and calendar dates. Scholars cross‑reference oral poetry (qewl), written liturgies (Buyruk, Serencam), and ethnographic observations to establish commonality.
Why does the article cite population figures that seem approximate?
Population estimates are drawn from the most recent academic surveys referenced in the cited works. When exact census data are unavailable, the figures are presented as scholarly approximations and clearly footnoted.
What should a reader do if they encounter contradictory information about a specific rite?
Consult the primary sources listed in the References section. The entry highlights the main scholarly disagreements (section ‘Scholarly disagreement’) and provides the relevant citations so readers can examine the original arguments.
Leave a Reply