Short Answer
This entry offers a scholarly overview of the Qewlê Çarşema Sor, the central hymn of the Yazidi New Year, and its multifaceted role within ritual practice and theological thought.
Qewlê Çarşema Sor (Kurmanji: Çarşema‑sor) is the sacred hymn recited on the eve of the Yazidi New Year, encapsulating the community’s cosmogonic narrative and directing the ceremonial actions of the Red Wednesday celebration.
| Key | Value |
|---|---|
| Kurmanji name | Qewlê Çarşema Sor |
| Also written | Qewlê Çarşema‑sor, Qewlê Çarşema Sor |
| Category | Divine hymn (qewl) |
| Region | Sinjar, Sheikhan, diaspora (Turkey, Syria, Caucasus) |
| Observed/Active | Annual, first Wednesday of April (or on/after 14 April Gregorian) |
| Primary sources | Oral transmission; written transcriptions in Kreyenbroek & Rashow (2005); Omarkhali (2017); field recordings by Rodziewicz (2016) |
Pronunciation & orthography
Kurmanji spelling: Qewlê Çarşema Sor. Arabic‑script rendering used in Lalish manuscripts: قەولێ چارشەمە سۆر. Cyrillic variant (historical Soviet‑era Kurdish texts): Кевле Чаршема Сор. IPA: /qɛwlɛ t͡ʃɑɾʃeˈmɑ soɾ/. Common English misspellings include “Qawl‑Red Wednesday” and “Qewl‑Carshama Sor”.
Main exposition
Cosmogonic symbolism of the Pearl
The hymn opens with the image of a luminous Pearl that breaks into coloured fragments, a motif identified by Rodziewicz as representing the transition from primordial darkness to the first steps of creation (1). This Pearl metaphor underlies the entire Red Wednesday rite, where coloured eggs symbolize the shattered Pearl and the emergence of a ordered world.
Ritual performance during Çarşema Sor
On the Tuesday evening preceding the New Year, Yazidis boil and colour eggs, bake the ceremonial sawuk bread, and visit graves (2). The recitation of Qewlê Çarşema Sor accompanies the mixing of eggs with clay and flowers, an act that reenacts the Pearl’s fragmentation and recombination (1). The hymn’s verses are chanted at the entrance of the sacred Zemzem spring in Lalish, where participants receive blessings before climbing the surrounding hills.
Theological significance
Beyond its ritual function, the qewl articulates a theological narrative in which the Pearl embodies Tawûsê Melek’s first act of illumination. By singing the hymn, the community affirms the continuity of divine order and re‑establishes the covenant between humanity and the celestial hierarchy (3).
Integration in the liturgical calendar
Çarşema Sor marks the transition from the “dark of indefiniteness” to the “new world” phase of the Yazidi cosmological cycle (1). Consequently, the hymn is performed not only on the New Year but also during other rites that invoke renewal, such as the spring planting festivals in Sheikhan.
In the oral tradition
The qewl is transmitted orally by designated qewwal (hymn‑singers) who memorize the verses through repetitive performance. The oral corpus preserves slight melodic variations across regions, yet the core text remains stable.
“The Pearl, bright as the morning sun, shattered into many colours; from each fragment the world is born.”
—excerpt from the traditional recitation, as recorded by field researchers in Lalish (1).
Scholarly disagreement
Kreyenbroek argues that the Pearl motif should be read as a metaphor for the primordial “white” (pure) state of existence, emphasizing a monistic interpretation of Yazidi cosmology (3). Omarkhali, however, contends that the hymn reflects a dualistic worldview where the Pearl’s breaking signals the emergence of both light and darkness, a reading supported by comparative analysis of other qewls (4). Rodziewicz focuses on the performative aspect, suggesting that the egg‑breaking ritual is a later accretion that re‑interprets the ancient myth in agrarian terms (1).
Common misconceptions
Regional variation
In the Sinjar heartland, the hymn is sung in a slower, chant‑like mode, while in Sheikhan the tempo is faster and includes spontaneous melismatic ornamentation. Syrian Yazidis incorporate additional verses praising local saints, and Turkish communities sometimes substitute the traditional sawuk bread with regional pastries. Diaspora congregations in Europe tend to translate the qewl into Latin script for younger members, yet retain the original melody (3).
Timeline
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| Pre‑Islamic period | Emergence of the Pearl myth within the proto‑Yazidi oral tradition (4) |
| 19th century | First written transcription of Qewlê Çarşema Sor by Kurdish scholars (3) |
| 2014 | Field research by Artur Rodziewicz during Çarşema Sor in Lalish (1) |
| 2015 | Audio‑visual documentation in Ba’adra and Sheikhan (1) |
| 2017 | Publication of Omarkhali’s compendium, including a critical edition of the qewl (4) |
Data table
| Aspect | Detail |
|---|---|
| Number of known Qewlê Çarşema Sor variants | 3 major regional versions1 |
| Estimated Yazidi participants in 2023 New Year ceremony (Lalish) | ≈ 30 000 pilgrims2 |
| Year of first audio recording | 1975 (archived by Kurdish Institute of Paris)3 |
| Pages devoted to the hymn in Kreyenbroek & Rashow (2005) | 12 pages4 |
FAQ
How reliable are the oral recordings of Qewlê Çarşema Sor?
The recordings are collected by trained ethnomusicologists and cross‑checked with multiple qewwal across regions, ensuring a high degree of textual fidelity despite natural oral variation.
Why are academic sources preferred over popular websites?
Scholarly publications undergo peer review and provide critical apparatus, which is essential for accurate representation of Yazidi theology and ritual practice.
Can the hymn be used in interfaith contexts?
While the hymn is sacred to Yazidis, its universal themes of renewal and creation allow it to be presented in comparative religious studies with appropriate contextualization.

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