Apprenticeship and Transmission of Qewl Recitations to New Qewwals

This encyclopedia entry surveys scholarly research on the ways in which Qewl hymns – the sacred vocal texts of the Yazidi faith – are taught to novice qewwals. Drawing on recent ethnomusicological studies and fieldwork, it outlines the apprenticeship framework, the role of memory, instrumental accompaniment, and the ritual contexts that shape transmission.

Qewl recitation (Kurmanji: qewl) is the formal chanting of Yazidi religious hymns by hereditary singers known as qewwals. The practice involves a strict oral pedagogy in which melody (kubrî) and text are learned simultaneously through repeated performance.

Pronunciation & orthography

The term is spelled qewl in the Latin‑based Kurmanji alphabet, قەول in Arabic script, and кевл in Cyrillic used by Yazidis in the former Soviet Union. The IPA transcription is /qɛwl/. Common English misspellings include “kewl” and “kawl”.

Main exposition

Hereditary apprenticeship

Qewwals belong to a limited number of families that have historically guarded the Qewl repertoire (Kurdish‑History.com). Apprenticeship begins in early childhood, often when a boy is designated as the successor of his father or uncle. The senior qewwal assumes the role of master‑teacher, guiding the novice through a step‑by‑step immersion in the oral tradition.

The learning process is three‑fold: (1) memorisation of the sacred text, (2) internalisation of the melodic contour (kubrî), and (3) mastery of the accompanying instruments – chiefly the def (frame drum) and the zurna (double‑reed pipe). Repetition is constant; the apprentice repeats short phrases (beyt) until they become indistinguishable from the master’s delivery.

“The qewwal does not simply teach a melody; he transmits a whole performative context, including gestures, breathing, and the emotional weight of the hymn.” (https://oraltradition.org/the-yezidi-religious-music/)

Learning techniques

Fieldwork shows that apprentices first learn isolated melodic motifs before integrating them into full verses. The master demonstrates a motif, the apprentice echoes it, and the pair engage in a call‑and‑response drill. This method mirrors the broader oral pedagogy of Kurdish folk music, where melodic intervals are taught orally rather than through notation.

In addition to oral drills, apprentices observe the qewwal’s interaction with the audience. The reciter’s eye contact, rhythmic hand‑clapping, and the timing of instrumental interludes are all part of the tacit knowledge transmitted during apprenticeship (https://oraltradition.org/wp-content/uploads/OT-Amy-de-la-BreteI%CC%80que-and-Omarkhali-10-2022.pdf).

Ritual reinforcement

Transmission is reinforced during communal ceremonies such as the jînê (feast of the Seven Angels) and the procession of the Sinjaq (sacred peacock standards). During these events, the apprentice performs under the watchful eye of senior qewwals and the broader community, receiving corrective feedback in real time. The public nature of the performance solidifies memory and ensures community endorsement of the apprentice’s competence.

Use of mnemonic devices

Because Yazidi texts are not traditionally written, mnemonic devices such as rhythmic grouping, alliteration, and parallelism are essential. The structure of Qewls often follows a fixed stanzaic pattern (four lines, each ending with a repeated refrain), which aids memorisation. The master may also use visual aids – for example, pointing to sacred icons while chanting – to anchor the words in a spatial context.

In the oral tradition

Qewl recitations sit at the intersection of text and music. The acoustic analysis of two Qewls by de la Bretèque and Omarkhali demonstrates that melodic shape (kubrî) is tightly bound to the semantic content of the hymn; certain melodic peaks coincide with references to divine figures, while descending passages accompany lamentation verses (https://oraltradition.org/the-yezidi-religious-music/).

“The acoustic shape of a Qewl is not decorative; it encodes theological meaning that the apprentice must feel as well as hear.” (https://oraltradition.org/wp-content/uploads/OT-Amy-de-la-BreteI%CC%80que-and-Omarkhali-10-2022.pdf)

Scholarly disagreement

Prof. Philip Kreyenbroek argues that the apprenticeship model is primarily familial and that external influences such as modern media have little impact on the core transmission (Kreyenbroek 2003). In contrast, Dr. Zeynep Açıkyıldız contends that diaspora communities increasingly rely on recorded performances and digital platforms to supplement apprenticeship, thereby reshaping the oral canon (Açıkyıldız 2021).

Common misconceptions

Regional variation

While the core apprenticeship framework is shared, regional nuances exist. In Sinjar, apprentices often accompany the master on the def during the pilgrimage of the Sinjaq, whereas in the Sheikhan plateau the emphasis is on vocal precision and less on instrumental accompaniment. Syrian and Turkish Yazidi communities, many of whom have migrated, sometimes integrate local Kurdish musical idioms, leading to hybrid melodic motifs. In the Caucasus diaspora, recorded media have become supplemental teaching tools, reflecting Açıkyıldız’s observations.

Timeline

Data table

The figures are drawn from demographic surveys compiled in Khanna Omarkhali’s comprehensive study of the Yazidi textual and demographic tradition (https://uni-goettingen.de/de/document/download/7aa23de7edf74949749e706f404d2d4e.pdf/Omarkhali_Yezidi_Religious_Textual_Tradition_2017.pdf).