The Evolution of Yazidi Pilgrimage Routes to Lalish in the 20th and 21st Centuries

This encyclopedia entry examines the historical development of the routes taken by Yazidis to reach the sacred sanctuary of Lalish, focusing on the twentieth and twenty‑first centuries. It draws on scholarly research, field interviews, and recent reports to map the social, political, and infrastructural factors that reshaped these pilgrimages.

Lalish pilgrimage (Kurmanji: çêra Lalîşê) refers to the annual and life‑time journey of Yazidis from villages and diaspora communities to the holy valley of Lalish, the religion’s spiritual centre.

Pronunciation & orthography

Kurmanji spelling: çêra Lalîşê; Arabic script: چێرا لاليش; Cyrillic (Kurdish‑Soviet): чэра Лалиш. IPA: /t͡ʃeːɾa laˈliʃe/. Common English misspellings include “Lalish” vs. “Lalis”.

Main exposition

Early twentieth‑century pathways (1900‑1945)

Prior to motorised roads, pilgrims travelled on foot or by mule along ancient caravan tracks that linked the Sinjar plateau, Sheikhan district and the Mosul‑Erbil corridor. These routes followed natural valleys, water sources, and seasonal passes, reflecting a pattern documented in early Ottoman travelogues (see Açıkyıldız, 2009).

Mid‑century modernization (1945‑1979)

After the establishment of the Iraqi Republic, the government invested in a rudimentary paved road (the “Lalish Highway”) connecting Mosul to the valley’s western gate (Derîyê Mīr). This enabled larger groups, including women and children, to attend the Autumn Assembly for the first time in decades (Spät, 2004).

Conflict‑driven disruptions (1980‑2003)

The Iran‑Iraq War and subsequent Kurdish uprisings forced many Yazidis to flee, converting the pilgrimage into a symbolic act of return when security permitted. Pilgrims often used clandestine mountain paths to avoid military checkpoints, a practice recorded in oral testimonies collected after 1991.

Islamic State devastation and resilience (2014‑2017)

When the Islamic State seized large swathes of northern Iraq, they deliberately damaged several shrines surrounding Lalish and blocked access roads. Interviews with survivors note that the inability to perform ritual rites caused profound communal suffering (Isakhan & Shahab, 2019). Nevertheless, Yazidis organized ad‑hoc convoys through cleared mountain passes, demonstrating remarkable resilience.

“We walked for three days with nothing but a small flag, because the road was destroyed, but we had to be there for the prayers.” – Yazidi woman, Sinjar (Isakhan & Shahab, 2019)

Post‑IS reconstruction and the 2015 revival

Following the liberation of the region, the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) repaired the main highway and rebuilt damaged shrines. The 2015 Êida Hejya marked the first full‑scale pilgrimage since the IS occupation, with thousands arriving by bus, private car and foot (Fisher, 2015).

Contemporary routes and diaspora participation (2016‑present)

Today, pilgrims travel via three principal corridors: the western highway (Mosul‑Lalish), the southern route from Erbil through the Duhok‑Sheikhan road, and a northern mountain trail used by diaspora groups arriving from Turkey or Syria. Satellite‑based navigation apps and organized charter services have further streamlined the journey, while humanitarian NGOs assist displaced families.

In the oral tradition

Yazidi qewls repeatedly stress the spiritual necessity of walking to Lalish. The “Qewl of Sheikh Adī” declares that the faithful who traverse the “valley of the seven rivers” will be granted protection by the Seven Angels. An oft‑quoted line reads:

“When the pilgrim reaches the spring of the sacred water, the angels descend and the heart is cleansed.”

This verse underlines why even during periods of war, Yazidis risked dangerous journeys to fulfill the promise of divine grace.

Scholarly disagreement

Kreyenbroek argues that the shift from footpaths to motorised routes fundamentally altered the ritual experience, turning a spiritual trial into a convenience‑driven tourism (Kreyenbroek 2002). In contrast, _Açıkyıldız_ reads the same development as a pragmatic adaptation that preserved the pilgrimage’s core symbolism while ensuring community safety (Açıkyıldız 2009).

Fisher emphasizes the post‑2015 revival as a political act of Kurdish identity, whereas Isakhan & Shahab focus on the trauma‑recovery dimension, viewing the rebuilt routes as therapeutic spaces for genocide survivors (Isakhan & Shahab 2019).

Common misconceptions

Regional variation

While the core sanctuary remains the same, the routes differ markedly across regions:

• Sinjar: Pilgrims historically used the “Red River” path crossing the Sinjar sand dunes; today a paved road links the town directly to the western gate.
• Sheikhan: The southern corridor passes through the historic town of Qal‘a, incorporating a stop at the shrine of Sheikh Hesen.
• Syria: Syrian Yazidis travel north to the Turkish border, then join Kurdish convoy routes; the journey often lasts a week.
• Turkey: Turkish Yazidis use the Van‑Erbil highway, crossing the Hakkâri mountains before entering Iraqi Kurdistan.
• Caucasus & diaspora: Pilgrims fly to Erbil International Airport, then take charter buses to Lalish; some groups organize “pilgrimage caravans” that mimic traditional foot travel for symbolic purposes.

Timeline

Data table