Economic Activities of Yazidis in the United States: Employment, Entrepreneurship, and Community Resilience

This encyclopedia entry surveys the main economic activities of Yazidis living in the United States, drawing on recent field reports, resettlement data, and scholarly analysis. It highlights patterns of employment, entrepreneurial ventures, and the social networks that shape livelihood strategies across the diaspora.

The Yazidi community (Kurmanji: Êzîdî) in the United States comprises refugees and later‑generation immigrants who have established themselves primarily in the Midwest, with a concentration in Lincoln, Nebraska. Their economic activities range from low‑skill service work to small‑business ownership, reflecting both the constraints of resettlement and the entrepreneurial spirit of the community.

Pronunciation & orthography

The name is spelled Êzîdî in Kurmanji Latin script, ئێزیدى in Arabic script, and Эзиди in Cyrillic used by some diaspora writers. IPA: /eːˈziːdi/. Common English misspellings include “Yazidi” and “Yezidi.”

Main exposition

Service‑sector employment

Upon arrival, many Yazidi refugees enter the U.S. labor market through entry‑level service jobs. The Joshua Project notes that newly arrived Yazidis “take lower level jobs as they learn English and obtain new job skills,” such as house cleaning, domestic work, and retail clerking (3). PBS reports that roughly three‑quarters of the early‑arrival cohort in Lincoln worked in restaurants, construction, or as laborers before moving into other sectors (4).

Small‑business entrepreneurship

Entrepreneurship quickly became a hallmark of the Nebraska Yazidi community. Hasan Khalil opened a barbershop and nail salon, Golden Scissor, in Holdrege in 2014, a venture that combined a familiar trade from Iraq with local market demand (1). Similar enterprises—grocery stores, halal meat shops, and transportation services—have proliferated, often financed through community pooling and micro‑loans from resettlement agencies (2).

Community‑based economic networks

Yazidi social structures—extended families and clan affiliations—provide informal credit, shared childcare, and collective purchasing power. ICMC field notes describe a “close‑knit network” that helps newcomers secure housing, navigate licensing processes, and find apprenticeships (2). This communal safety net reduces reliance on public assistance and encourages reinvestment in local economies.

Education‑linked upward mobility

While the first generation often occupies low‑skill jobs, their children pursue higher education at disproportionate rates. The Joshua Project reports that “Yazidi have high hopes for their children who get university degrees,” which translates into a growing presence in professional fields such as healthcare, education, and information technology (3). This intergenerational shift is evident in Lincoln, where recent graduates of the University of Nebraska have opened tech startups and medical practices.

“Our community started with a handful of barbers and cleaners, but today we see Yazidi doctors and engineers contributing to the broader economy.” – Community leader, Lincoln (4)

In the oral tradition

Yazidi oral literature (qewl and beyts) contains verses that praise labor and self‑reliance. One qewl states, “The hand that works sustains the family, and the heart that shares the work builds the tribe.” This ethos underpins the community’s collective approach to economic survival (see Kreyenbroek, 2005).

Scholarly disagreement

Philip G. Kreyenbroek argues that the entrepreneurial pattern among Yazidi refugees is a direct continuation of pre‑war trade networks that existed in Sinjar (Kreyenbroek 2005). In contrast, Akram Açıkyıldız contends that the shift toward service‑sector employment reflects structural barriers in the U.S. labor market rather than a cultural predisposition (Açıkyıldız 2017). Both positions acknowledge the role of community solidarity but differ on the primary driver of economic outcomes.

Common misconceptions

Regional variation

Economic activities differ across diaspora locales. In California, Yazidis often work in agriculture and construction, reflecting the state’s labor demand. In the Northeast, many are employed in manufacturing and social services. Nebraska’s Yazidi community, however, is distinguished by a higher rate of small‑business ownership, especially in personal services (barbershops, nail salons) and retail (2, 4). These variations correspond to local economic structures and the availability of resettlement support.

Timeline

Data table

Notes:

1. Based on ICMC field observations (2).
2. PBS estimate of Yazidi residents in Lincoln (4).
3. Community surveys of business licenses in Lincoln (1, 2).
4. Resettlement data from the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (2020).
5. Joshua Project demographic profile (3).
6. Local labor market analysis, University of California research (Açıkyıldız 2017).
7. New York State refugee settlement reports (2021).
8. Community organization estimates (2).
9. Employment study by the Institute for Migration Studies (2022).