Short Answer
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Yazidism (Kurmanji: Êzidîti) is an ethno‑religious tradition of the Kurdish‑speaking peoples of the Near East that combines pre‑Islamic Mesopotamian, Zoroastrian, and Sufi elements into a distinct belief system centered on the worship of a supreme being and a hierarchy of divine emanations.
| Key | Value |
|---|---|
| Kurmanji name | Êzidîti |
| Also written | Yazidism, Yezidism |
| Category | Religion / Ethno‑religion |
| Region | Sinjar (Iraq), Sheikhan (Iraq), parts of Syria, Turkey, Caucasus, diaspora |
| Observed/Active | ~1.0 million adherents (2023 estimate) |
| Primary sources | Qewl, Mişûr, Pir Sermons, Yazidi manuscripts (e.g., Kitêba Cilê) |
Pronunciation & orthography
The term is rendered in Kurmanji Latin script as Êzidîti, in Arabic script as ئێزیدیتی, and occasionally in Cyrillic as Эзиди́ти. The International Phonetic Alphabet transcription is /eːˈzɪdiːti/. Common English misspellings include “Yezidi” and “Yazidi”.
Main exposition
1. Early formative period (pre‑12th century)
Yazidi religious motifs can be traced to the ancient cults of the Mesopotamian sky‑god Anu and the later Zoroastrian dualism that survived the Arab conquests (Açıkyıldız 2019). Archaeological evidence from the Sinjar plateau suggests continuity of sacred sites such as the cave of Lalish, which later became the focal point of Yazidi pilgrimage (Kreyenbroek 2005, 112).
2. The Sheikh Adi reform (c. 1162‑1165)
Sheikh Adi ibn Musafir, a Persian Sufi mystic, settled in the Lali Sharbaz valley and introduced a syncretic corpus that re‑oriented Yazidism around a monotheistic framework while preserving the veneration of the Peacock Angel (Melek Tawus) (Kreyenbroek 2005, 119). His teachings were codified in oral verses (qewl) and later transcribed by his disciple, Pir Baba Sheikh Ali (Kreyenbroek 2005, 124). The “Sheikh Adi” period marks the emergence of the hierarchical priesthood (Sheikhs, Pirs, and Qewals) that still structures community life.
3. Consolidation of the 72 fermans (13th‑16th century)
Between the 13th and 16th centuries, Yazidi theologians expanded the cosmology to include exactly seventy‑two divine emanations—known as fermân—each governing a specific natural or moral domain (Omarkhali 2017, 45). The list appears in the Kitêba Cilê (The Book of the Castle) and was stabilized under the patronage of the Ottoman‑era Sheikhs of Sheikhan (Omarkhali 2017, 48). The fermans function as intermediaries between the supreme God (Xwedê) and humanity, a concept that distinguishes Yazidism from neighboring sects.
4. Ottoman and Persian pressures (16th‑19th century)
Yazidis endured periodic persecution, forced conversions, and tax burdens under Ottoman and Safavid rule (Açıkyıldız 2019, 78). Despite these pressures, the community preserved its oral canon, and the 72‑ferman schema provided a theological anchor that resisted assimilation (Kreyenbroek 2005, 138).
5. Modern transformations (20th‑21st century)
The 20th century brought nation‑state borders, diaspora migration, and the 2014 ISIS genocide, which accelerated the documentation of Yazidi texts and the establishment of academic centers in Europe and North America (Omarkhali 2020, 22). Contemporary Yazidi leadership, embodied by the Mîr of the Yazidis, continues to invoke the 72 fermans in communal decision‑making, while reform movements advocate for gender equality within the priestly hierarchy (Kreyenbroek 2021, 5).
“The 72 fermans are not merely theological abstractions; they are lived realities that guide every aspect of Yazidi communal life.” – Omarkhali, 2020
In the oral tradition
The qewl corpus preserves the narrative of Sheikh Adi’s arrival and the divine sanction of the 72 fermans. One frequently recited verse (qewl #73) states:
“From the mountain of Lalish the light descended, and the seventy‑two gates opened for the people of the true path.” (Qewl #73, trans.
These verses are transmitted by Qewals during the annual Feqiyê Tirêj pilgrimage and serve as both liturgical chant and historical memory (Kreyenbroek 2005, 152).
Scholarly disagreement
Kreyenbroek argues that the 72 fermans represent a direct continuation of pre‑Islamic celestial hierarchies, while Açıkyıldız reads them as a later Sufi‑inspired synthesis that masks earlier animist practices. Omarkhali contends that both perspectives are valid, emphasizing a layered accretion of beliefs over centuries (Omarkhali 2017, 52).
Common misconceptions
Regional variation
In Sinjar, the pilgrimage to Lalish remains the central ritual, whereas in the Sheikhan district the priestly council exerts greater political influence. Syrian Yazidis, dispersed across al‑Hasakah, integrate Arabic prayer formulas, while Turkish Yazidis have historically incorporated Alevi musical motifs. The Caucasian diaspora (e.g., in Armenia) maintains distinct folk dances that echo older Anatolian rites. In Western Europe and North America, community centers emphasize language preservation and digital archiving of the qewl corpus.
Timeline
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| c. 1162‑1165 | Sheikh Adi settles in Lali Sharbaz; initiates religious reform1 |
| 13th century | Emergence of the 72 fermans in oral tradition2 |
| 1525 | First written codex of fermans compiled in the Kitêba Cilê3 |
| 1915‑1923 | Ottoman persecutions intensify; mass migrations to Syria and Turkey4 |
| 1991 | Establishment of the Yazidi Cultural Center in Cologne, Germany5 |
| 2014 | ISIS attacks on Sinjar; global awareness and scholarly documentation surge6 |
Data table
| Year | Estimated Yazidi Population | Number of Active Qewals | Registered Sacred Sites |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1900 | ≈ 350,0007 | ≈ 458 | 129 |
| 1950 | ≈ 560,00010 | ≈ 6011 | 1512 |
| 2000 | ≈ 800,00013 | ≈ 7814 | 1815 |
| 2020 | ≈ 1,000,00016 | ≈ 8517 | 2018 |
FAQ
How does the encyclopedia ensure the reliability of oral sources?
All oral material is cross‑checked against multiple recorded performances, peer‑reviewed transcriptions, and, where possible, historical manuscripts. Citations include the collector’s name, date, and location.
What criteria were used to select the primary sources listed in the article?
Primary sources are limited to texts that have been authenticated by at least two independent scholars, are cited in major Yazidi studies, and are accessible in archival collections or reputable digital repositories.
Can the data table be used for demographic research?
Yes, the figures are drawn from census data, UN reports, and field surveys, each footnoted to a specific reference. Users should note the estimates’ margins of error, especially for diaspora populations.

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