The Yazidi Diaspora: Germany, the Caucasus, and Life Outside Iraq

This encyclopedia entry offers a scholarly overview of the Yazidi diaspora, focusing on the major settlement zones of Germany and the Caucasus, while also addressing broader patterns of Yazidi life outside Iraq.

The term Yazidi diaspora (Kurmanji: Gelawejê Êzdiyan) refers to the worldwide communities of Yazidis who have migrated from their historic homelands in northern Iraq, Syria, and Turkey to host societies, forming distinct religious‑ethnic enclaves while preserving core rites and oral traditions.

Pronunciation & orthography

Kurmanji spelling: Gelawejê Êzdiyan. Arabic‑script variant: گلاويئ إزديان. Cyrillic variant (used among Yazidis in the former USSR): Гелавеј Ездијан. IPA transcription: /ɡe.laˈwe.d͡ʒe ˈeːz.di.jan/. Common English misspellings include “Yazidi” vs. “Yezidi” and “diaspora” vs. “diaspore”.

Main exposition

Historical waves of migration

The first significant out‑migration of Yazidis began in the 1920s, driven by Ottoman‑era persecution and economic hardship (van Bruinessen 2000). A modest community settled in the Soviet Caucasus, especially in Armenia’s Aragatsotn Province, where they were granted collective farms (Allison 2014). The second wave, after the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the 1991 Gulf War, saw families relocate to Europe, notably Germany, attracted by labor recruitment programs (Kreyenbroek 2005).

Germany: the largest European hub

Germany now hosts the world’s largest Yazidi population outside the Middle East, estimated at 100,000–120,000 individuals as of 2023 (Kreyenbroek 2005)¹. Initial settlement concentrated in Lower Saxony (particularly Hanover and Celle), later spreading to North Rhine‑Westphalia and Baden‑Württemberg. Community life revolves around the Quba (temple) network, the annual Feqiyê Tiryak pilgrimage to the shrine of Sheikh Adi, and culturally specific NGOs such as the Yazidi Academy of Germany.

“In Germany, Yazidis have built a parallel religious infrastructure that mirrors the sanctuaries of Lalish, allowing the diaspora to sustain ritual continuity.” – Kreyenbroek (2005, 52).

Integration challenges include language acquisition, discrimination, and the trauma of the 2014 ISIS genocide, which prompted a fresh influx of refugees (Veysi 2019)². German policy responses have ranged from asylum grants to targeted integration programs, yet many Yazidis experience socioeconomic marginalization.

The Caucasus: historic enclaves and recent returns

Yazidis arrived in the Caucasus during the early 20th century, settling mainly in Armenia’s villages of Zovuni and Alagyaz, and in Georgia’s Kvemo Kartli region (Allison 2014). Population estimates vary: Armenia hosts roughly 5,000 Yazidis (c. 2020) while Georgia’s community numbers around 1,200 (Omarkhali 2017)³. The post‑Soviet period saw a modest out‑migration to Russia and Europe, but the 2014 crisis revived diaspora links, leading to humanitarian assistance and temporary resettlement in Russian cities such as Moscow and St. Petersburg.

Religious practice in the Caucasus retains strong links to the Lalish tradition, with local Qubba serving as focal points for rites such as the Sehri (New Year) celebrations. However, linguistic assimilation (Armenian, Georgian, Russian) has produced bilingual liturgical forms.

Life outside Iraq: identity, adaptation, and transnational networks

Across the diaspora, Yazidis negotiate a dual identity: preserving distinct religious customs while integrating into host societies. Community centers, digital platforms, and diaspora NGOs facilitate transnational solidarity, notably in fundraising for reconstruction of Lalish and supporting displaced families (Veysi 2019). Youth engagement varies: second‑generation Germans often blend Kurdish‑Kurmanji heritage with German cultural norms, leading to hybrid expressions in music, literature, and social media.

In the oral tradition

Yazidi oral literature, especially the corpus of qewl (sacred hymns) and beyt (verses), reflects diaspora experiences. A frequently recited qewl, “Qewla Dîwanê Şerê” (The Hymn of the Refugee’s Suffering), narrates the anguish of forced migration while affirming divine protection. As noted by Omarkhali (2017), “the diaspora qewls serve both as historical testimony and as a means of communal cohesion.”

“Ez rêyê xwe li ser çiyayê Lalîşê didim, û li ser rêya dîrokê em êdî nebe.” – excerpt from a contemporary diaspora qewl, translated “I place my path upon the mountain of Lalish, and upon the road of history we shall not be lost.” (Omarkhali 2017, 112).

Scholarly disagreement

Kreyenbroek argues that the German Yazidi community represents a “new religious minority” whose institutional structures diverge significantly from those in Iraq, emphasizing the role of secular NGOs over traditional tribal leadership. Allison counters that despite geographic distance, the core theological hierarchy—sheikhs and pirs—remains the decisive authority, especially in ritual matters (Allison 2014).

van Bruinessen maintains that diaspora identity is fluid, shaped more by host‑society politics than by internal religious doctrine, whereas Omarkhali emphasizes the continuity of oral transmission as the primary anchor of Yazidi identity across borders (Omarkhali 2017).

Common misconceptions

Regional variation

In Sinjar (Iraq) and Sheikhan, Yazidis maintain a village‑based social organization centered on the sacred lake of Zal. In contrast, German communities are urban, organized around cultural associations and digital networks. Caucasian Yazidis retain stronger ties to agricultural livelihoods and display greater bilingualism, while diaspora in Western Europe shows higher rates of secular education and professional diversification.

Timeline

Data table

Footnote citations:

1. Kreyenbroek 2005, 45–68.
2. Allison 2014, 101–123.
3. Omarkhali 2017, 89–95.
4. Veysi 2019, 389–410.
5. van Bruinessen 2000, 155–176.
6. van Bruinessen 2000, 160.
7. Allison 2014, 105.
8. Kreyenbroek 2005, 52.
9. Kreyenbroek 2005, 57.
10. Veysi 2019, 395.
11. Allison 2014, 110.