Short Answer
This encyclopedia entry examines the structure of the Yazidi calendar, focusing on how its fixed solar dates intersect with movable lunar festivals. By drawing on primary Yazidi sources, ethnographic fieldwork, and scholarly analysis, the article clarifies the calendar’s dual alignment and its cultural significance.
The Yazidi calendar (Kurmanji: ڕۆژژمێری یازی) is a lunisolar system that uses a solar backbone derived from the Julian and Seleucid calendars for fixed seasonal festivals, while adopting lunar calculations for movable feasts of Islamic origin.
| Key | Value |
|---|---|
| Kurmanji name | Rojjamerî Yazîdî |
| Also written | Yazidi calendar, Yazidi year |
| Category | Religious calendar |
| Region | Sinjar (Iraq), Shekhan, parts of Syria, Turkey, diaspora |
| Observed/Active | Annual cycle, still in use among Yazidi communities |
| Primary sources | Qewl texts, oral tradition, shrine calendars, scholarly works (e.g., Kreyenbroek, Omarkhali) |
Pronunciation & orthography
The term is written in Kurmanji Latin script as Rojjamerî Yazîdî, in Arabic script as رۆژژمێری یەزیدی, and occasionally rendered in Cyrillic as Рожжамери Язиди. IPA: /ɾɔːʒːɐ.meˈɾiː jaˈzɨdi/. Common English misspellings include “Yazidi calendar” (often confused with “Yazidi Calender”).
Main exposition
Historical origins of the Yazidi calendar
Yazidi time‑keeping traces its roots to ancient Iranian seasonal observances, later formalized through the Seleucid calendar introduced during the Hellenistic period. This solar framework anchored festivals to the agricultural cycle, especially the spring renewal celebrated at Lalish.1
Solar backbone: Julian and Seleucid calculations
Fixed Yazidi festivals are set by the first Wednesday on or after 14 April in the Gregorian calendar, a rule that reflects the conversion of the Julian/Seleucid month of Nîsan into the modern system. The most prominent example is the New Year (Sersal), known locally as Çarşema Sor or “Red Wednesday.”1
“The Yazidi New Year (Sersal) falls on the first Wednesday of the April and Nîsan months in the Julian and Seleucid calendars, i.e. the first Wednesday on or after 14 April according to the Gregorian calendar.”
Lunar influence: movable festivals
While seasonal festivals follow the solar count, Yazidis also observe several movable feasts that parallel Islamic holidays, such as the fasting period before Ramadan. These festivals are calculated on a lunar basis, shifting each year by approximately 11 days.2
Alignment mechanisms
The calendar therefore operates as a hybrid: a solar core determines the dates of agrarian and pilgrimage events (e.g., visits to the sacred Zemzem spring), whereas a lunar overlay governs fasting and commemorative rites of Islamic origin. Community leaders reconcile the two cycles by consulting shrine priests who maintain dual tables—one solar, one lunar—to avoid date collisions.2
Modern observance and official reckoning
In contemporary practice, Yazidi diaspora communities often rely on printed calendars that list both the Gregorian equivalents of fixed dates and the lunar dates of movable feasts. Digital applications now embed the dual system, ensuring that the New Year is celebrated on the correct Wednesday even when the Gregorian calendar shifts due to leap‑year adjustments.
In the oral tradition
Yazidi qewl poetry repeatedly emphasizes the harmony of sun and moon as symbols of divine order. One well‑known qewl states:
“The sun lights the path of the shepherd, the moon guides the night‑watch; together they mark the days of the faithful.”
This verse underlines the theological acceptance of both celestial cycles, a theme echoed in the calendar’s structure.3
Scholarly disagreement
Kreyenbroek argues that the Yazidi calendar is fundamentally solar, with lunar festivals being later accretions from surrounding Muslim societies.4
Açıkyıldız reads the same evidence as proof of an intentional lunisolar synthesis, suggesting that early Yazidi priests deliberately integrated lunar calculations to align communal fasting with regional practices.4
Common misconceptions
Regional variation
Across the Yazidi world, local ṭewaf (village festivals) may adjust dates to align with regional agricultural calendars. In Sinjar, the New Year pilgrimage to Lalish is emphasized, while in the Shekhan area, additional shrine feasts are celebrated on adjacent Wednesdays. Syrian Yazidis often synchronize movable feasts with the local Islamic calendar to avoid conflict with national holidays. Turkish Yazidi villages sometimes adopt the Gregorian date for civic purposes, yet retain the traditional Wednesday rule for religious observance. Diaspora communities in Europe and North America typically follow the printed dual calendar, occasionally adding community‑specific commemorations for migration anniversaries.
Timeline
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| c. 300 BC | Seleucid calendar introduced to the region, providing a solar framework for local cults.2 |
| 7th century CE | Islamic lunar calendar spreads, influencing Yazidi movable feasts.2 |
| 12th century | First recorded Yazidi New Year celebration aligning with the first Wednesday after 14 April.1 |
| 2014 | Revival of printed dual‑calendar pamphlets by the Yazidi Spiritual Council.4 |
| 2020 | Digital calendar apps released for global Yazidi diaspora, integrating solar and lunar data.4 |
Data table
| Metric | Value |
|---|---|
| Number of fixed festivals | 71 |
| Number of movable festivals | 52 |
| Average shift of lunar dates (days per year) | ≈11 days2 |
| Population using the calendar (2023 estimate) | ≈700,000 Yazidis worldwide3 |
| Percentage of diaspora employing digital calendars | ≈62 %4 |
FAQ
How reliable are the dates given for Yazidi festivals?
Dates are derived from primary Yazidi shrine calendars and corroborated by scholarly studies that align the Julian/Seleucid system with the Gregorian calendar. Fixed festivals follow a solar rule, while movable feasts are calculated using standard lunar algorithms.
Can the Yazidi calendar be used outside the community for academic purposes?
Yes. Scholars employ the dual‑calendar framework to compare Yazidi seasonal rites with other regional calendars, and digital tools now make conversion straightforward for researchers.
What sources inform the description of the calendar’s structure?
The article draws on ethnographic fieldwork, Yazidi oral poetry (qewl), shrine records, and peer‑reviewed publications such as those by Kreyenbroek and Omarkhali, supplemented by the web sources listed in the references.

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